Cogent Arts & Humanities (Jan 2021)
Multi-Functionality of the Discourse Marker haweɪh in Ghamdi Dialect of Hijazi Arabic: Interaction of CP-Features? – A Minimalist-Cartographic Account
Abstract
This paper explores the theoretical mechanisms of marking two discourse values, SURPRISE and IMPATIENCE, encoded in the syntax of Ghamdi dialect of Arabic (GA) by the discourse marker haweɪh, which instantiates the head Prt of PrtP. The novelty about haweɪh is that its marking function is constrained in certain syntactic environments. While haweɪh marks SURPRISE by default, it marks IMPATIENCE under the condition that it co-occur with a wh-phase leɪʃ “why”, a matter investigated and elaborated on by assuming cartographic assumptions, splitting the CP domain. Adopting standard minimalist strategies, it is argued that haweɪh is endowed with a valued occurrence of the relevant discourse features, [i-SUR] or [i–IMP], by which it marks the proposition as a whole represented in syntax by TP or certain entities represented by clausal-internal DPs. Additionally, haweɪh carries an unvalued of referential feature [u-Ref], by which it probes the targeted category, TP or DP, for a valued instance of [i-Ref]. Investigations show that marking of haweɪh is accompanied with attracting the DPs it marks to the right of it, by means of Attract Closest, the exception being TP which is marked in situ. This movement, being Shortest Move, is in compliance with minimalist economy conditions, where long movement to Spec head configuration is disallowed. Further investigations to more articulated structure show that the position haweɪh attracts the DPs to is Shifting Topic Phrase, S-TopP, whose head is morphologically identified by the S-Topic marker ʕad, giving credence to recent advancememt of Topics Typology. Instantiating this position might be an explanation of the referentiality feature being associated to haweɪh and the clause and clause DPs, being the category marked by haweɪh, hence, S-Topic. Thus, IMPATIENCE, S-Top and Referentiality all interact in syntax. This paper though concludes with advancing the challenge that haweɪh’s marking of TP does not involve movement of TP, but it marks it in situ, making the assumption that this could be that TP, involving the propositional components, is heavy in Ghamdi syntax (G-Syntax).
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