Persian Double Object Constructions and Ditransitive Constructions within Distributed Morphology

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to study dative and locative alternations in Persian based on Wood & Marantz (2017) within Distributed Morphology. We attempt to investigate the extent to which argument structure alternation can be reduced to the syntactic and semantic properties of a single head, labeled i*. The notion of possession transfer in double object construction (DOC) and locative relation in ditransitive construction (PPC) can be accounted for by assuming the ability of a verb to occure in DOC and PPC involves the ability to select D*P and p*P respectively. If i* combines with DP, it projects D*P and takes a DP specifier. If i* combines with pP, it projects p*P and introduces a DP specifier. Semantically i* assigns to the DP specifier the theta-role of possessor and figure respectively by contextually determined interpretive rules. Therefore, the interpretation of external arguments in double object construction and ditransitive construction is derived from structural environments and the conceptual content of roots.

Keywords

• argument
• introducing head
• conceptual content of root
• ditransitive construction
• double object construction
• interpretive semantics