Against VP-Pied Piping as a Way To Derive Head-Final Structures

Abstract

This paper provides two arguments against vP-pied piping as an appropriate mechanism to derive head-final structures; on the one hand, arguing that floating quantifier structures in an OV language like German give evidence that S(ubject) must raise (i.e. merge internally) on its own in Spec,T, and not as part of vP; on the other hand, the trigger of the internal merge of S in Spec,T cannot seem to be accommodated to the full vP. The present work is part of a wider research project in which I contend that S is the first constituent to be processed and linearised in both head-initial (SVO/SAuxVO) structures and head-final (SOV/SOVAux) structures, in accord with the claims in the recent work of Antisymmetry theory by Kayne (2011/2013). In this paper, I suggest that the derivation of head-final structures from head-initial structures be accomplished through remnant movement of VP and vP to a lower Spec of v and T, respectively (aside from the more simple movement of O to a lower Spec of v).

Keywords

• head-initial svo/sauxvo
• head-final sov/sovaux structures
• antisymmetry theroy
• merge & agree framework
• vp-pied piping
• floating quantifier structures
• trigger of movement to spec