Quantifier-variable relations in Romanian prepositional phrases

Abstract

This paper explores the syntactic and semantic properties of objects of prepositions in Romanian. What is peculiar about these objects is the fact that they cannot be headed by overt definite determiners, unless they are modified. I will propose that this restriction can be accounted for under the following assumptions:(i) overt definite Ds are quantificational and as such they must raise at LF;(ii)bare objects of prepositions are DPs headed by a null determiner;(iii)the null D does not undergo raising at LF;(iv)Romanian prepositions are inherently definite and as such they have a blocking effect on the raising of the overt definite D at LF. However, prepositions do not interfere with covert definite Ds, which do not raise, and(v)modifiers have a remedial effect by virtue of the fact that they introduce a situation variable.

Keywords

• object of preposition
• null D
• modifiers
• Romanian